The Arab liberation movements and revolutions from foreign colonialism are linked to the Arab state of Egypt. Without the Egyptian role and support in its various forms, these revolutions would not have succeeded and achieved their goals and their peoples would see the sun of freedom and the dawn of salvation and liberation.

  And we can say that the most Arab liberation revolutions to achieve their goals and succeed in making the difference between the colonial era and the post-liberation and independence era in the lives of its people is the one that rooted the Egyptian role and support in the conscience and conscience of its people, and before this and that it preserved that beautiful and made harming it an infringement on its principles and goals.

  Perhaps the plaited October 14 revolution in which the people of the south achieved their first independence from British colonialism, and one of these liberation revolutions whose history and the glories it made for the Egyptian Arab Republic, the maker of Arab glory and the carrier of its liberation banner at that time, is one of these liberation revolutions.

  This connection or link that the southern historian and politician is keen to document, and even the general public, in fairness to Egypt and in recognition and gratitude for its role, we do not find it in the north, although the Egyptian support for the so-called Yemeni September revolution was doubled compared to the support provided to the October revolution in the south, which conquered the largest colonial empire at that time  .

 The great Egypt supported the liberation movements and in light of the success of its experience in supporting the Algerian revolution, it decided to support a revolution in the north against the priestly monarchy, and at the same time decided to support the October revolution in the south against British colonialism.

 Initially, support for the North was based on unrealistic reports from dual powers and officers, such as Field Marshal Al-Sallal and Ali Abdul-Mughni.

  Where three warplanes, a thunderbolt squad, and a company of one hundred soldiers were sent, Cairo believed that the task of installing the new regime would be easy on the grounds that all the personalities that appeared in its facade are actually republicans.

 However, the situation was different and it was not true, and it was repeated in the same way with the countries of the Arab coalition in 2015.

 From within the republican ranks and the pressure forces, led by the Brotherhood led by Sheikh al-Ahmar, the complexities of the Egyptian mission combined, as Sanaa emptied itself of the conspiracy against the Egyptian army, so that the number of Egyptian soldiers gradually increased until it reached at the end of 1965 about 55 thousand soldiers, distributed among 13 infantry brigades, and supported  With an artillery division, a tank division and formations of the Thunderbolt Forces and paratroopers.

 The Egyptian army forces were fighting valiantly and committed to completing the goals of their existence at the request of the new Yemeni regime, which transformed into parts of the imams’ exchange and negotiation at the expense of the safety of the Egyptian forces, so that the result would be the black history of the same revolution and the nascent republic from the womb of the priesthood that led to the bosom of the tribal state and the republic of the Zaydi Imamate.

 And because of the dark history, the impact of which has not yet been erased from the face and history of the forces of Sana’a, Yemeni historians and politicians resort to marketing historical fallacies to blame the Egyptian army for the consequences of their betrayal of their revolution and their treachery with the Arab-Egyptian force that came to support them.

 This blatantly rude method we see today is being repeated with the countries of the Arab coalition, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

  Also, their jumping to intrude on the struggles of the people of the south and the glorious October Revolution was and still is part of their attempts to escape from the notoriety of the history of their revolution, which is in fact the case.

 And according to its results and consequences, a movement of change from the priestly Imamate monarchy to the Republic of Akfa, the Sheikh of the Republic.

 Southerners remember with great gratitude the Egyptian support for the revolution of their fathers and grandfathers, which today is defending its goals from a backward occupier. Any historian or even a reader of history can conclude that “the revolution of October 14, 1963 in the south of Arabia, led by the National Front, was one of the greatest Arab revolutions during the second half of the twentieth century  It comes after the Algerian revolution.

 Was that in terms of the goals and principles of the revolution, its motive forces, means and tools of struggle...or in terms of the results of that revolution that changed the course of life in southern society.”

 The topical and subjective factors that helped the rise of this revolution and its victory were the maturation of the revolutionary situation in the masses, the July 23 revolution, and Egypt’s Abdel Nasser, who took his military and political presence in Yemen “the North” to defend the September 26 revolution as an opportunity to support the October 14 revolution in South Arabia politically, militarily and logistically.

 Here it is worth noting the attempts of the forces of Sana’a to infiltrate the Egyptian officers and use them as means to split the southern revolutionary line, and the goal was twofold to stoke inter-conflicts within the ranks of the October Revolution and to prevent the success of the Egyptian role in the south.

  If we look at the reality of today, we find that this approach that the forces of Sanaa have been doing is still in a state of continuity with the countries of the Arab coalition and its orientations and efforts aimed at normalizing the situation and advancing the service reality in the liberated south and providing a stimulating model for the Yemenis whose governorates are still under the control of the Iranian-backed Houthi militia.

 The south, which the late Arab leader Gamal Abdel Nasser addressed with the same name without Yemenizing “the south” only, in a speech he delivered from the Yemeni governorate of Taiz in the mid-sixties of the last century, and before the Egyptian support for the glorious October revolution was crowned with complete independence, was in his revolution and his dealings with the Egyptian position during the revolution  And then until today, in contrast to the north, where the revolution that all it did was to kill thousands of the Egyptian army in a way of treachery and betrayal.